Interesting Article
Scandal in The Police Commissioner's Office
The following article is an indication of a big shake-up in Police Headquarters. The first indication of probems at Police Headquarters was after the Arthur Thomas convictions were overturned. I personally had heard of some concerns when working on the Scott Watson case, however at that point, I didn't have time to consider the situation. Fortunately, I remember the person's name and will try to make contact.
It's fairly plain to me that there was a lot that went wrong at the top of the tree in Scott's case, and following that, there was little surprise that Pope and Fitzgerald gained promotions there. It looks like that too will implode in short order, much to the relief of not only supporters of Scott but also those who feel that there is little accountability at the top of the police ranks when it comes to wrongful convictions.
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Geoffrey Palmer: The McSkimming scandal shows we need a whole new Policing Act Geoffrey Palmer Published in The Spin Off November 18th 2025 Democracy requires a trusted system to uphold the rule of law. In this instance, the rule of law has been polluted at its source, argues former prime minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer KC. Recent events uncovering police failings and serious misconduct have wider implications for our democracy that need to be addressed urgently. I cannot recall an issue in the life of this government that has more far-reaching constitutional consequences: it goes to the heart of the protection that the rule of law provides for New Zealand’s democratic framework. To say the Independent Police Conduct Authority’s scathing report into how the force handled claims of sexual offending against disgraced former deputy commissioner Jevon McSkimming has been scandalous is an understatement. It found serious misconduct at the highest levels of police. Seldom in the annals of public policy has New Zealand suffered a worse failure of public officials. The report made a series of recommendations for NZ Police and the government, all of which have been accepted. A former police officer himself, police minister Mark Mitchell has said the public will see “big changes”. Public service minister Judith Collins promises it “must never happen again”. Unfortunately, we have seen this before: whistle-blower Louise Nicholas was not believed as a teenager accusing officers of rape, her complaints were buried and only decades later was the policeman handling the case found guilty of obstructing justice. That should have been warning enough. In April 2007 came the release of Dame Margaret Bazley’s Commission of Inquiry into Police Conduct. She uncovered 313 complaints of sexual assault against 222 officers over 25 years, revealing a culture of silence shielding offending officers. There was a considerable amount of praise by the authorities, then, that they had solved the problem. But recent events show clearly this was not the case. Rot and decay has crept into the New Zealand democratic framework. Public service minister Judith Collins, police commissioner Richard Chambers and police minister Mark Mitchell arriving for a press conference at parliament in response to the release of the IPCA report on November 11, 2025 (Photo: Mark Mitchell/New Zealand Herald via Getty Images) In order to understand how serious these events are, it is necessary to understand the functions and powers entrusted to the police. New Zealand has a nationwide police force, unlike federal countries where law and order is split between state and federal governments. Clearly, a strong nationwide police force can be a potential danger when something goes wrong, as it has done here. The police are a disciplined force organised under a strict hierarchy in which orders are given and are carried out by subordinates. That fact itself means that wrongful orders can pervert the whole system. The New Zealand police have something close to a monopoly on the coercive legal powers they have over people. They have the power of arrest. They have the power to investigate suspected criminal offences. They have the power to bring prosecutions, under the general supervision of crown prosecutors. The force was first established here in 1886 and has existed continuously under various statutes ever since. Currently, police work under a detailed statute, the Policing Act 2008, the purpose of which is to “provide for policing services in New Zealand and to state the functions and provide for the governance and administration of the New Zealand Police”. The Policing Act sets out, in sections 8 and 9, the principles upon which the act is based and then the functions of the police. The principles are: (a) principled, effective, and efficient policing services are a cornerstone of a free and democratic society under the rule of law; (b) effective policing relies on a wide measure of public support and confidence; (c) policing services are provided under a national framework but also have a local community focus; (d) policing services are provided in a manner that respects human rights; (e) policing services are provided independently and impartially; (f) in providing policing services every Police employee is required to act professionally, ethically, and with integrity. The functions are: (a) keeping the peace; (b) maintaining public safety; (c) law enforcement; (d) crime prevention; (e) community support and reassurance; (f) national security; (g) participation in policing activities outside New Zealand; (h) emergency management. These general principles and functions were plainly inadequate to prevent what occurred in recent events. The whole act should be reconsidered now, not merely amended. Former deputy police commissioner Jevon McSkimming leaving Wellington District Court after pleading guilty to eight charges of possessing objectionable publications on November 6, 2025 (Photo: Mark Mitchell/New Zealand Herald via Getty Images) The police are invested with great powers, so the consequences for democracy are serious where those powers are not properly exercised or they are abused. Clearly, they have been abused here. Democracy requires a trusted system to uphold the rule of law. In this instance the rule of law has been polluted at its source, when the higher echelons have divided into groups and become immersed in issues of personal advantage rather than executing their responsibilities according to law. Putting right the profound failures that have occurred is an issue of vital importance. The prime minister should be centrally involved here, articulating the serious nature of these issues and how to fix them. So far, he has been a bystander. The cure here will not emanate from a discredited senior police elite. It is ministers who must take responsibility for the failures, rectify them and drive the legislation that will be required. A policy process of the highest quality the government machine can produce is what is needed. The 135-page IPCA report stands as a colossus over the whole series of these events, and is a document that people should read. New Zealand is fortunate that this agency stood up and performed in an exemplary way. Its advice must be followed in all respects. It is a remorseless and detailed analysis of serious wrong-doing. So careful is the analysis that it seems impossible on the facts it lays out to be in any doubt as to the serious nature of the abuses it exposes. It makes many detailed recommendations: 13 for police and a further two for the government regarding police oversight. All have been accepted. Ministers have made strong statements about remedial action, including proposing appointing an inspector-general to give the highest level of independent oversight of police. Questions remain over how this will be implemented. The steps necessary to perfect the remedial action are perhaps more elaborate than has so far been contemplated. Getting it right this time is imperative. The record on these issues is deplorable. Unless real care and rigour are employed there is a risk of push-back from the rotten police culture so clearly at work in the existing system. This may be seen earlier rather than later. All the recommendations must be given statutory teeth. Much care is needed in the legislative process, where much can be lost between cup and lip. The cabinet paper approving legislative policy should be published after it has been made so that there can be some assurance that efforts to clean the Augean stables of the New Zealand Police do not have to be addressed again in the future. The present act was entirely ineffectual to prevent these deplorable events which must be unable to recur. It would seem appropriate to enact a whole new Policing Act in light of these events. The rule of law deserves stern protection
